Is Duterte Already a Dictator?

Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte has repeatedly admitted his admiration for former dictator Ferdinand Marcos, who ruled the country from 1966 to 1986. Duterte allowed Marcos to be buried at the Libingan ng mga Bayani (Heroes’ Cemetery) in 2016 and he recently hinted that his government is open to facilitating a compromise deal with the Marcos family for the return of their ill-gotten wealth in exchange for immunity from prosecution.

It’s one thing to admire the leadership skills of a former president, but it’s quite different and disturbing for an incumbent president to justify authoritarianism in order to solve the country’s problems.

Like his idol Marcos, Duterte used martial law to quell a national security threat. Since May 23, martial law has been in effect on the whole island of Mindanao, supposedly to defeat a local armed group with suspected ISIS links. But Mindanao is home to various revolutionary armed groups, some of which are engaged in peace talks with the government. Martial law complicated the situation since it led to the intense militarization of communities, displacing thousands of indigenous peoples and farmers in rebel-influenced territories.

After getting the Supreme Court to acknowledge the constitutionality of extended martial law, Duterte wanted to expand its scope to other regions.

Will Duterte declare nationwide martial law? Some are worried that he has been laying the groundwork to make it possible.

First, Duterte supported the detention of a senator who has been criticizing the “war on drugs” (Project Tokhang). He also warned that he would “destroy” another senator who accused the president’s son of being a member of the Chinese triad.

Duterte’s allies in the House of Representatives also initiated impeachment proceedings against the chief justice of the Supreme Court.

The same allies voted in mid-September to give a $20 budget to the Commission on Human Rights (CHR), a constitutional body tasked to ensure that the state is upholding human rights laws and treaties. The CHR has consistently voiced its concern over the excesses of Project Tokhang. A few days later, the lower house of the Philippine Congress agreed to restore CHR’s $13 million budget. As of writing, Congress had not yet completed its final reading of the appropriations bill which should include the revised budget for CHR; the final reading is scheduled for the last week of September.

The persecution of critics, the impeachment threat against the chief justice, and the attempted defunding of the CHR are seen by many as undermining the government’s checks and balances mechanism.

Duterte’s cabinet composition also reflected his reliance on the military to implement his policies. More than a dozen senior and junior cabinet members come from the ranks of the military, leading many to express concern about the emerging junta in the country.

In September alone, two leftist cabinet members were rejected by the Commission on Appointments. Duterte didn’t publicly appeal for the confirmation of his leftist cabinet secretaries. This was interpreted as a sign that the president is intending to cut ties with his erstwhile leftist allies.

Duterte has practically canceled the peace process by directing the military to wage an all-out war against communist rebels.

But the clearest proof that Duterte is treading on the path of strongman rule is the rising and worsening spate of extrajudicial killings in the country. The killings are done with impunity since Duterte had earlier pledged to support the police and military in carrying out their duties. Even if the killings subside from time to time, especially during moments when public outrage is peaking, Tokhang as a state policy was never revoked. The violent framework of Tokhang, which disregards due process and right to life, remains the same.

Is Duterte already a dictator like Marcos? Perhaps Duterte and his supporters would balk at the insinuation, and they would probably cite the continuing existence of democratic institutions in the country. There is still democratic space to exercise freedom of speech and assembly. But for how long? And what should citizens do when the president himself is spearheading the attack against institutions, groups, and leaders who are leading or have the potential to lead a movement against tyrannical rule?

A year after Duterte promised to bring change in the country, his government is accused of killing 13,000 drug suspects, a martial law regime is in effect in Mindanao, critics face trumped-up cases, and the ghost of the authoritarian Marcos rule is being revived. Dictator or not, Duterte has eroded respect and protection of human rights in the country.