New Media and Democracy in the Philippines

Although Philippine President Rodrigo Duterte’s rise to power in the Philippines has led to no shortage of questions about the country’s future direction, it has also led to a conversation around the relationship between new media and democracy in the Southeast Asian state. In light of some of the disturbing trends we have seen under Duterte, it is worth understanding how this relationship has evolved over time.

The Philippines got its first internet connection in 1994, almost a decade after the restoration of the country’s democratic institutions in 1986. The internet arrived only after the government deregulated the telecommunications sector to improve the country’s information technology (IT) infrastructure.

While internet access remained minute, mobile phone connections started to increase in the late 1990s. In particular, Filipinos quickly adapted to the practice of using mobile phone SMS (or text messaging). For many Filipinos, the obvious benefit of using mobile phones was the availability of a faster and cheaper way of communicating with friends and relatives, especially for overseas workers. But the political impact of using mobile phones subsequently became evident after Filipinos started sending SMS in large volumes to poke fun at politicians and share their views on various political issues.

In January 2001, the impeachment trial of then-President Joseph Estrada was cut short after some members of the Senate walked out of session. In support of the senators in favor of impeachment, a protest was organized in front of the People Power monument, a site dedicated to the successful 1986 uprising that ousted former dictator Ferdinand Marcos from power. The protest grew into a massive gathering that lasted five days and forced Estrada to leave the presidential palace. The 2001 People Power II revolution was called a “coup de text” by Estrada because of the large number of young participants who used SMS to coordinate the protest, invite more people to join the action, and popularize the issues against Estrada. The power of this new media to influence mainstream politics was instantly recognized.

The next great example of a text-led revolt in the Philippines was the use of a specific cellphone ringtone in 2005 as a protest tool after the exposure of an alleged audio recording of former President Gloria Macapagal Arroyo talking to an election officer about the results of the presidential election. Traditional media was banned from broadcasting the audio clip, which inspired cellphone users to download the recording for their ringtone.

During this period, the new media phenomenon was already linked to the rise of blogging and Web 2.0 features of the internet. Groups calling for the resignation of Arroyo tapped the support of bloggers and netizens in broadening the reach of the campaign. “Citizen journalists” worked alongside traditional reporters in documenting the scandals hounding Arroyo and in explaining these issues to the public online.

The role of expanding internet access in getting people to vote for certain candidates was first demonstrated in 2007 when a jailed rebel soldier, Antonio Trillanes IV, successfully conducted his campaign for a Senate seat through the social networking site Friendster, a popular internet platform in the Philippines. His campaign focused on denouncing corruption under the Arroyo government, and this was amplified by a creative maximization of the internet.

This internet-focused campaign tactic also worked in favor of Senator Benigno Aquino III, who ran for president in 2010. A big factor that contributed to his popularity was his prominent role as a member of the opposition, but his team also pioneered the aggressive mobilization of online volunteers in the election campaign. During the same election campaign, netizens and civic groups actively campaigned against fraud and violence by launching information and education activities through Twitter, Facebook, and blogs.

But the most outstanding example of building a citizen movement through online means was the anti-corruption Million People March in August 2013. It was first announced and organized through a Facebook page. The event became the biggest anti-corruption protest in the country and forced the Aquino government to abolish its controversial pork barrel system.

These initiatives affirm the increasing importance of the internet and modern communications technologies in empowering citizens. It has provided a new and safer platform where traditional media can enhance their work; but more importantly, it is a space where citizens can organize innovative political activities to spur reforms in government or in society. Even the government has repeatedly asserted that the internet can boost transparency and accountability. These online campaigns, however, became feasible only when offline interventions were also diligently organized. Social media campaigning was complemented by direct political actions.

The limited, albeit growing, reach of the internet was surmounted by arduous political organizing at the grassroots either by big political parties or small, nonpartisan associations. But is this sustainable given the continuing backward state of internet infrastructure, the passage of cybercrime legislation that could curtail civil liberties, and the unabated media killings across the country?

The rise to power of Rodrigo Duterte in 2016 forced many to rethink the supposed simple link between internet connectivity and democracy.

While it is true that social media amplified the voices of ordinary Filipinos who supported Duterte, the same technology was also used to silence and harass critical voices, especially those who are opposing the government’s controversial war on drugs.

Duterte himself acknowledged a report about the existence of a cyber troll army that he funded during the campaign period. Many believe these fanatically pro-Duterte trolls are still actively doing their work for the state to demonize the president’s critics. Some prominent bloggers were appointed to government positions, which quickly led to accusations that they are using public funds to spread fake news and disinformation in order to increase the popularity of the Duterte presidency.

Can democracy survive the onslaught of fake news and a “weaponized” internet? The brief history of the rapid rise of new media in the Philippines is a reminder that despite several challenges, Filipinos are still able to make innovative use of the internet and communication applications to defend democratic aims. Perhaps Duterte’s troll consultants are aware of this lesson, which explains their aggressiveness in undermining online criticism while intimidating independent media.

The government should expect a fierce cyber battle in the months ahead as more forces are preparing to challenge the proposal to amend the constitution and install a new system of government that gives authoritarian powers to Duterte and the ruling party.