Laura Haigh

In August 2017, the Myanmar military seized on an attack by a terrorist group in Rakhine state as the pretext for an unprecedented crackdown on the Rohingya, a mostly Muslim ethnic minority group. The horror that followed – the burning and looting of homes, gang rapes, and the indiscriminate killing of Rohingya men, women, and children – has been documented by international media outlets and human rights groups. Yet none of the public outcry made much material difference for the Rohingya, hundreds of thousands of whom are now living in limbo in refugee camps in Bangladesh, across the border from their home.

Laura Haigh, Myanmar researcher for human rights NGO Amnesty International, spoke with The Diplomat about the situation in Rakhine state today, and what the international community can do.

The military crackdown against Rohingya communities in northern Myanmar began in late August 2017. What is the situation like in Rakhine state now, a year later?

A year after the military launched its latest campaign of violence against the Rohingya, the situation in Rakhine state remains dire. Rakhine state is and remains an apartheid state – a place where Rohingya are systematically deprived of their rights, where they can’t move around freely and struggle to access schools, hospitals, and places they rely on for work. Despite all the international attention and condemnation, the Myanmar authorities have done virtually nothing to change this appalling status quo.

The Rohingya minority has been persecuted for decades. Can you place the 2017-18 crackdown in historical context? How is it similar to previous waves of violence targeting the Rohingya, and how is it different?

The most recent crisis in Rakhine state is unprecedented, both in scope and scale. However the appalling violations committed by the Myanmar military – killings, torture, rape, and the burning of homes – are unfortunately alarmingly familiar for the Rohingya, who have suffered decades of state-sponsored discrimination, violence, and persecution. What is also disturbingly familiar is how the international community has – once again – failed to take action against the military and ensure that perpetrators will be held to account. Justice and accountability will be essential for the hundreds of thousands of Rohingya in Bangladesh to be able to return to Myanmar voluntarily, safety and with dignity.

The 2015 election, which brought Aung San Suu Kyi’s National League for Democracy to power, raised hopes in some minority communities that their lives would change for the better. Sadly, the opposite proved true for the Rohingya. How did a much-lauded democracy activist come to oversee what the UN humans rights chief has called “textbook ethnic cleansing”

While Myanmar’s security forces are responsible for the overwhelming majority of violations against the Rohingya – and other ethnic and religious minorities in the country – State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi’s statements on the crisis have amounted to little more than half-truths, blanket denials, and victim blaming. While she may not have substantive power over the military, by acting as the public mouthpiece and apologist for its unconscionable actions, she has enabled the continued vilification and dehumanization of the Rohingya population.

Aung San Suu Kyi can and should do much more. She has not only failed to exercise her moral and political responsibility to speak out, her administration has also been responsible for spreading inflammatory and derogatory information against the Rohingya population and has blocked UN investigators from accessing the country.

How do people in Myanmar who are not Rohingya view the issue – if the general public is even aware of it?

The Myanmar government and military have led a very successful propaganda campaign, denying military atrocities and accusing Rohingya refugees and international rights organizations and journalists of spreading “fake news.” What is surprising is how many people in Myanmar believe this narrative – in particular because the military has a long and well-documented history of similar abuses against other ethnic minorities in the country. This is why it is so important to have an independent international investigation into the crimes in Myanmar – the people of the country, including the Rohingya population, have the right to know the truth about what happened, and to see those responsible held to account.

Estimates put the number of displaced Rohingya in the hundreds of thousands. Realistically, is there a path forward for these refugees to return home without falling prey to similar violence in the future?

Under international law Rohingya refugees in Bangladesh have the right to return to Myanmar – it is their home and if they want to return, they should be able to do so, safely and with dignity. However, as it stands, that is not possible – returning Rohingya to Myanmar now would be returning them to live alongside the very same security forces responsible for death and destruction, and to a situation where their rights are severely and routinely denied. There can be no voluntary, safe, and dignified returns until those responsible for for violations against the Rohingya are held to account, and until Myanmar dismantles the system of discrimination and segregation in Rakhine state.

How would you evaluate the international response to the campaign against the Rohingya?

The international response to the crisis in Rakhine state to date has been largely ineffective and more is required to pressure the Myanmar authorities, in particular the military, to change course. The international community must send a clear message to the military that atrocities against the Rohingya will not come without consequences, and all states should support a referral of the situation in Myanmar to the ICC [International Criminal Court]. Failure to ensure accountability will only serve to perpetuate the cycle of violence and discrimination and send a message that abuses against the Rohingya can continue unchecked.