Chitral: A Portrait of Sectarian Tension in Pakistan
Far from the headlines, a district in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa provides worrying evidence of a rise in religious hatred.
CHITRAL, PAKISTAN — Three hours after Friday prayers on April 21, 2017, thousands of people gathered in front of the Chitral police station, intent on killing a man named Rasheed. They were trying to enter the police station to get to him, but the police officers were taking stringent measures to protect Rasheed from the outraged mob. While the police discharged their weapons in the air and dispersed tear gas, the furious mob demanded that the police either hand over Rasheed to them, or give him the death penalty on the spot.
Rasheed was accused of making blasphemous comments. During the Friday sermons in Shahi mosque, he stood up and tried to snatch the microphone from the imam, who leads the prayers. Though he failed to grab the microphone, Rasheed claimed prophethood in a loud voice.
As soon as Rasheed spoke, the worshipers present in the mosque inched toward him to beat him to death but the imam, Khaleeq-Uz-Zaman, dispersed the worshipers while locking Rasheed up in a room. Without wasting time, Zaman called the police, who came and took Rasheed to the police station.
The news of Rasheed claiming prophethood spread like wildfire in the city. Three hours later, a bloodthirsty mob had surrounded the police station. At last, security forces succeeded in dispersing them.
“The imam cheated us. He should not have protected the enemy of Islam and a blasphemous person, who deserves death,” an eyewitness, who requested anonymity, told The Diplomat. “He [the imam] told us that he would hand over Rasheed to us after talking to him in private, but cunningly, he called the police to save the life of an infidel.”
From the mesmerizing icy mountain peaks to the green forests to the roaring Chitral River, a sense of fear and insecurity looms over this beautiful valley. Chitral is the largest district of Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (KP). It shares a border with Afghanistan to the northwest and with Gilgit-Baltistan to the east.
There are two major Muslim sects in the district: Sunnis (which make up 65 percent of the local population) and Ismailis, followers of a branch of Shia Islam (the other 35 percent). The Kalash people, who once were the rulers of the district, now are a minority. There are fewer than 4,000 Kalasha in the district, which has a total population of 447,362.
Sectarian violence is one the most pressing issues in Pakistan, and Chitral is no exception. The valley seems to be inching toward religious discord. But more disturbing is that political-religious parties are fueling the fire rather than promoting religious harmony.
Vote for the Book
A few weeks after Pakistan’s general election, held on July 25, we left for a reporting trip to the northwestern part of Pakistan. Chitral city was the first stop. While roaming in the city, I asked our driver which party had emerged victorious in the district.
He replied with a smile, “MMA,” meaning Muttahida Majlis e Amal. The MMA is an alliance of religious-cum-political parties that took part in the election through a single platform.
The MMA had dismissed the general elections as rigged, but in Chitral district they won both provincial and national seats.
“Whom did you vote for?” my colleague asked the driver.
“Of course, I cast my vote for the book and Islam,” said the driver with confidence. A book is the election symbol of the MMA, but “the book” is usually a reference to the Quran.
“How could I vote for a non-Muslim candidate?” the driver asked back.
We were in a state of shock but said nothing.
He added, “Despite the fact I love Imran Khan [now Pakistan’s prime minister], I did not vote for his Pakistan Tehreek-e-Insaf because he offered a seat to a Ismaili, non-Muslim.”
Mosques were used for political purposes during the general elections. Ismaili candidates, in particular, were declared non-Muslims. “In all of Chitral, it was announced that the elections are [a contest] between Muslims and non-Muslims,” or believers and nonbelievers, said Shahzada Hasnat, president of the All Pakistan Muslim League. “The most commonly used phrase in the election was that any Muslims who would not vote for the book will burn in hell.”
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SubscribeThe Authors
Shah Meer Baloch is a former Visiting Fellow at the Institute for Peace Research and Security Policy at the University of Hamburg, a fellow of the Swedish Institute and the Institute for Foreign and Cultural Relations (Institut für Auslandsbeziehungen/IFA), and a freelance writer.
Rabia Bugti is a student of MS Journalism at the Centre for Excellence in Journalism in IBA. She is a photo journalist and video maker.