Philippine Dynastic Politics Live on Under the Shadow of the Marcoses

When most outside observers speak of a Marcos in the Philippines, they are most likely referring to Ferdinand Marcos, the dictator that ruled the country for around two decades until a massive gathering in the streets – which came to be known as People Power – forced him and his family to flee in 1986. But there’s more to the Marcos family saga. Indeed, the story of the Marcoses continues today and is an example of the longevity of Philippine dynastic politics.

Staying Power

Marcos was accused of acquiring ill-gotten wealth as he turned the country’s democracy into an authoritarian state, even while the majority of Filipinos languished in poverty. Marcos died in 1989 in Hawaii, judged by many as one of the most corrupt leaders in Philippine history.

Initially, it seemed as though that would be the end of the Marcoses as a family of note. The Marcos family was eventually allowed to return to the Philippines, but with greatly diminished stature and influence, as evidenced by the unsuccessful presidential bid by former First Lady Imelda Marcos in 1992. Bongbong, his son, ran for a senate seat in 1995 but lost, which again reflected the continuing low public opinion for the Marcoses.

But those counting the Marcoses out and their political dynasty dead were premature in that judgment. Indeed, in 1995 Imelda became a member of Congress representing her home district. Even if the national electorate could not be persuaded to bring a Marcos back into office, the family retained the loyalty of their traditional stomping-grounds: Ilocos and Leyte.

That pattern has continue. In 1998, Bongbong became governor while his sister Imee was elected congresswoman in Ilocos Norte. They were subsequently re-elected for two more terms. After finishing his final term as governor, Bongbong became a congressman in 2007. Fifteen years after his failed senatorial candidacy, Bongbong tried again in 2010 and won. Bongbong cast his lot to become vice president in 2016. He lost by a narrow margin, but his electoral protest is still pending.

Imelda completed three terms as congresswoman of Ilocos Norte while daughter Imee also served as governor during the same period. Imee became a senator in the recent 2019 midterm election; her son replaced her as governor of Ilocos Norte.

The staying power of the Marcos family has not been welcomed by all in Philippine society. While the image of Imee taking her oath of office at Malacanang Palace was a triumphant symbol of vindication following an unjust persecution for the Marcoses and their loyalists, for critics, especially those who suffered under martial law, it was a cruel reminder of a gloomy period of Philippine history. To date, not a single member of the Marcos clan has spent a day in jail for the many crimes they were accused of.

The Why of It All

In reflecting on the endurance of the Marcoses in Philippine politics, it is difficult not to see this as partly a consequence of the country’s dynastic politics. Other families and individuals have shown an ability to survive scandal and scrutiny to various degrees, including former presidents Joseph Estrada and Gloria Macapagal-Arroyo.

On the Marcoses specifically, it should be noted that many politicians and cronies who benefited from the patronage of the Marcos family have remained in power and amassed even greater wealth. It partly explains why there was no vigorous and sustained effort to retrieve the remaining ill-gotten wealth of the Marcoses and make them accountable by sending them to prison.

The Marcoses also proved to be adept at cultivating ties with emerging political parties and families. For instance, they were early backers of then-Davao City Mayor Rodrigo Duterte and it appears they also provided campaign resources for his presidential bid. After becoming president, Duterte allowed the remains of the former dictator to be buried in the Heroes’ Cemetery. Duterte has also publicly praised Marcos’ enactment of martial law while repeatedly asserting that the country needs another Marcos-type leader. Duterte’s daughter, now the mayor of Davao City, was also one of the major endorsers of Imee’s senate candidacy.

Public perceptions also matter. While empirical data would certainly disprove the idea that the quality of life in the Philippines was better during martial law versus today, that narrative is nonetheless seen by some as credible. This probably speaks less to what the Marcoses did and more to the failure of succeeding governments after Marcos to lift living conditions. In a sense, a vote for a Marcos can be seen as an indictment of the governments of the last 30 years, which failed to address the roots of dissatisfaction that ignited the people’s uprising against the dictatorship.

To this, it must also be added that more and more people have gradually forgotten what it really meant to live under a military-backed government. This forgetting has enabled Marcos apologists to spread their claim that the former dictator was a better leader and a visionary who built lasting infrastructure and strong institutions, while ignoring or downplaying the challenges during this period. It does not help that some Philippine leaders are equally if not more culpable of some of the things Marcos was accused of.

What the Future Holds

The staying power of the Marcoses is not merely a historical question – it could also matter a lot for the future of Philippine politics. Bongbong can still become vice president if he wins his election protest, and he or Imee are strong contenders for the 2022 presidential election. Given the fact that their base is still active, the family name is well known, and they have allies at all levels of the bureaucracy, could the Marcoses once again capture the presidency?

It is possible, but they do face tremendous challenges. The Marcos alliance with the Dutertes is useful, but it can also bring them down if the popularity of the current government is eroded over the next three years. They should also not underestimate the capacity of a united opposition to counter their political machinery. Veterans of the anti-dictatorship struggle are still around, and they have a strong voice in civil society groups that can vigorously campaign against the Marcoses in schools and communities.

The future of the Marcoses is largely dependent on the glory of their past. So far, they refuse to directly acknowledge that glaring crimes took place during that period. This refusal to come to terms with the controversies of the dictatorship era has prevented them from building a powerful, cross-party national constituency that would allow them to finally return home to Malacanang Palace. And instead of expressing remorse, the family has chosen to get on the good side of the incumbent president. That may enhance their political influence for now. But that will never silence those who continue to seek for truth and justice, and it is far from clear if this will be enough for a return to the highest office of the land. That could prove too much of a reach, even for the Marcoses.