Malaysia’s Game of Thrones

Just around two years ago, Malaysia was at a very different historical moment. 

Fresh from a gruelling campaign during the 14th General Elections on May 9, Malaysians were glued to social media and news channels awaiting the elections results. There was a palpable sense of change in the air, despite almost all polls and political experts predicting another repeat win by the then-incumbent Barisan Nasional (BN) coalition.

With hopes of increasing support from rural Malays, the Pakatan Harapan (Alliance of Hope) uniting the People’s Justice Party (PKR), Democratic Action Party (DAP), and the National Trust Party (Amanah) had reluctantly accepted the Malaysian United Indigenous Party (Bersatu) into its coalition. 

Bersatu was founded in 2016 by Mahathir Mohamad, along with Muhyiddin Yassin and other former leaders from the United Malays National Organization (UMNO).

Well-known as a political chameleon, Mahathir has decades of experience in and out of government, including as a long-time prime minister for UMNO. His re-entrance into politics was vengeance against Najib Razak’s administration, which Mahathir deemed as a vehicle for cronyism and corruption.

Few guessed that the Alliance, led by Mahathir, would land a sucker punch against the mighty BN, which had all the political machinery and money oiling the elections campaign machine.

But then-Prime Minister Najib Razak and his extravagant wife, Rosmah Mansor, were out of touch with sentiments on the ground. They were caught “unaware” of the pent-up anger among Malaysians over the massive and now famous 1MDB corruption scandal.

The historic win by the Alliance in 2018 led to the formation of a government that reflected the multicultural fabric of Malaysian society. For many Malaysians, the win was akin to former U.S. President Barack Obama’s 2008 “Yes, We Can!” election victory.

Pakatan Harapan’s Short-Lived Stint 

The Alliance kickstarted their governance with a bang – from electing the oldest prime minister in the world, 92-year-old Mahathir Mohamad, to appointing the youngest minister in Malaysia, 26-year-old Syed Saddiq.

Women and ethnic minorities were also front and center in the Alliance’s administration. Wan Azizah Wan Ismail, the wife of PKR leader Anwar Ibrahim, became the first female deputy prime minister, and women were also appointed to important positions of power in government-linked companies and agencies. The leader of the Hindu Rights Action Force (HINDRAF), Waytha Moorthy, was appointed to a newly created role: the minister of unity. Veteran Barrister Tommy Thomas, who is of Indian heritage, was handpicked by Mahathir to be the auditor-general of Malaysia, a post that had traditionally been held by Malays. 

The Alliance promised a government that was based on the rule of law and free from corruption. As a result, several high-profile leaders from UMNO and other BN components were investigated and charged under the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (MACC), including former leader Najib and his wife.

However, the victory parade was short-lived. 

Despite the promises for a “New Malaysia” by the newly elected government, there was still resistance among some of the Malay population toward having non-Malay leaders in crucial ministerial posts. The then-opposition coalition, BN and the Malaysian Islamic Party (PAS), took advantage by stoking and intensifying racial and religious politics.

UMNO and PAS rallied the Malay population against the Alliance’s decision to ratify the UN International Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Racial Discrimination (ICERD). They gathered protesters in the streets of Kuala Lumpur in December 2018, calling the signing of the ICERD an act undermining Malay and bumiputera rights.

Malaysia is a multicultural nation made up of Malays, Chinese, Indians, and other ethnic minorities, including the indigenous population from the states of Sabah and Sarawak. The Malay ethnic group accounts for 60 percent of the population and are required to be Muslims. They are accorded with bumiputera rights, encompassing education, housing, and many other benefits.

Under Article 153 in Malaysia’s Constitution, bumiputera rights are aimed to “safeguard the special position of the ‘Malays’ and natives of any of the States of Sabah and Sarawak.”

A flashpoint in November 2018 between a gang of hired thugs and Hindu temple guardians resulted in the unfortunate death of a Malay fireman. The deficiencies of the Alliance government at easing burgeoning racial tensions slowly chipped away at the people’s goodwill and trust over the administration’s ability to govern. 

Racial fissures crept into other areas as well. The Alliance was indecisive over the debate on Jawi-writing in schools, and non-Muslims questioned the Alliance over its decision to harbor the fugitive and extremist Islamic preacher Zakir Naik, an Indian national whom New Delhi has long wanted extradited. Human rights groups also criticized the Alliance’s anti-LGBT policies and its multitude of failures over keeping key campaign promises to abolish repressive laws.

Meanwhile, the question of succession between Anwar Ibrahim and Mahathir continued to strain the coalition and created internal rifts. Anwar had faced decades of imprisonment at the hands of his former mentor-turned-nemesis, Mahathir. But the two forged an unlikely alliance, with the “understanding” that there would be a transition of power from Mahathir to Anwar within two years of the Alliance’s rule. Well-regarded in the Muslim world and globally, the prime-minister-in-waiting was popular and charismatic. That did not sit well with Mahathir, who still enjoyed being the man in charge.

Mahathir then set his eyes on loyalist Azmin Ali and appointed him as the economic affairs minister. Unlike Anwar or Mahathir, Azmin is a man of few words. Azmin had slowly but surely ingratiated himself into Mahathir’s camp despite hailing from Anwar’s PKR.

Pressure from Anwar’s camp, complacency in its standing with the voters, and an internecine war brewing within the Alliance ultimately created a swing in established power structures and saw the rise of a contender from the shadows who nobody saw coming – Muhyiddin Yassin.

A Week of Political Mudslinging 

While a mysterious virus was creeping onto Malaysian shores, rumors of an impending coup commanded the attention of political insiders when opposition leaders from UMNO, PAS, and other BN component parties congregated at the Sheraton Hotel in Kuala Lumpur for a dinner during the weekend of February 23, 2020. A faction of politicians from Bersatu and PKR members of parliament who are Azmin and Muhyiddin loyalists also attended.

Earlier in the day, Mahathir was seen rushing out from the Bersatu’s Supreme Council Meeting, igniting a flurry of speculation in the media and through political circles. Unbeknown to the public, Mahathir was upset that Azmin had colluded with Muhyiddin in a coup and assembled a caravan of politicians from UMNO and PAS, many of whom are kleptocrats and cronies of the previous administration and were facing imminent corruption charges. 

A day after the “Sheraton Move,” as it was then known, Mahathir paid a visit to Malaysian King Abdullah Ri'ayatuddin Al-Mustafa Billah Shah in an apparent gambit to hand in his resignation with the hopes of forcing his opponents into a corner by publicizing the political machinations at play. 

This maneuver edged Azmin and Muhyiddin’s factions into going rogue and precipitated the Alliance’s collapse as the government dissembled. One by one, ministers bid their farewells to Putrajaya, the nation’s administrative capital. The political void prompted the king to intervene using his powers within the limits of the constitution.

In an extraordinary moment, Mahathir was chosen to be the acting prime minister with the authority to appoint an “acting cabinet,” while the king, in his judgment, conducted personal interviews with 222 members of parliament and their vote of confidence in candidates for the prime minister role.

The Palace entrances quickly turned into a media circus as members of parliament were bustled in and out, with PKR members of parliament even renting a roofless “Hop-On Hop-Off” tourist bus.

Meanwhile damage control was in full swing, with Azmin explaining that the coup was a reaction against Anwar and PKR demands for Mahathir to finalize the transition date for Anwar to become the next prime minister.

A pro-Azmin social activist, Hishamuddin Rais, blurted out to Malaysian broadcaster Astro Awani that the decision for the coup was predicated on the will “to block Anwar Ibrahim (from becoming the prime minister).”

Political parties and politicians issued statement after statement declaring their political allegiance. However, the real decision was in the hand of one man – the Malaysian King. By Friday, February 28, Muhyiddin emerged as the leader of the new government. 

Both Mahathir and Anwar felt betrayed by their peers and supposed loyalists.

Muhyiddin’s “Backdoor Government” 

In retrospect, many insiders underestimated Muhyiddin’s quiet confidence. Despite being a career politician, 72-year-old Muhyiddin was seen as a stalwart supporter of Mahathir and his regime. After all, he co-founded Bersatu with Mahathir. He was infamously sacked in 2015 as the deputy prime minister by then-Prime Minister Najib for speaking out about the 1MDB corruption case, which had deep links to Najib and his inner circle.

Within a week, in early March, Muhyiddin’s backdoor government was formed with politicians from BN, PAS, and other factions from Sabah and Sarawak. This resulted in an oversized cabinet of 70 members, although the new leader was careful to exclude the top brass from UMNO and PAS, and instead chose lower-ranked politicians to fill in his cabinet and create a new circle of loyalists. 

Eschewing the problematic official title of deputy prime minister (DPM), four “senior ministers” were appointed to be Muhyiddin’s right-hand men, while Azmin became the de facto DPM. Aside from close neighbors Singapore and Indonesia, Muhyiddin’s “backdoor government” did not receive any congratulations from world leaders. Public sentiment was at an all-time low, with the rakyat (the people) feeling like the wool had been pulled over their collective eyes, with the promise of a new democratic paradigm ripped away merely two years after supposedly making history.

No Time to Bask

While the new government and its ministers were finding their feet and placating the masses, a week later they were faced with an existential threat that even entrenched administrators would find challenging – a pandemic. 

A sudden spike in cases of the novel coronavirus disease, COVID-19, hit Malaysia. Many of the cases were linked to a 16,000-strong Tabligh gathering in a mosque in Kuala Lumpur held in late February – during the politicking that had temporarily brought the government to a standstill. 

The pandemic is by far the biggest crisis the barely two-month-old Perikatan Nasional (PN) government (or any modern government, to be fair) has had to face. A Movement Control Order (MCO) was imposed on March 18, essentially putting the country on lockdown. In hindsight, the measure is now considered a success by many and birthed a new superstar civil servant: Dr. Noor Hisham Abdullah, director-general of the Ministry of Health.

On the other hand, Muhyiddin’s inexperience in handling the public’s perception of the pandemic and his controversially assembled cabinet put immense pressure on the new prime minister to build trust with the people during these unprecedented and tense times.

Minister of Women, Family, and Community Development Rina Harun put out a now-infamous advisory to wives to refrain from nagging their husbands at home during the pandemic, amid the backdrop of rising reports of domestic violence. Health Minister Adham Baba went on public television lecturing that drinking warm water can kill the coronavirus (it can’t), and Higher Education Minister Noraini Ahmad promoted a TikTok contest, while the welfare of students continued to be impacted by the virus. 

As the global economy entered a free fall, Malaysia was not spared. Key industries such as palm oil and manufacturing are at serious risk. Several palm oil plantations in Sabah have been forced to close, while manufacturing businesses began raising concerns over the possibilities of cost-cutting and retrenchment of workers. Many workers are in the lower rungs of earners and day-laborers who form an already disenfranchised socioeconomic group in the country, together with indigenous communities, refugees, and migrants.

In an ironic twist, the coronavirus that has severely tested Muhyiddin’s capabilities has also provided him ample time and opportunity to secure his political stronghold. Muhyiddin quietly began to clean house and rid himself of the previous administration’s appointees. He placed confidantes into key leadership positions in government-linked companies to unwind the Alliance’s chess moves.

Future of the Alliance

The Alliance – while recovering from body blows suffered during the messy coup – will need to regroup and get its messaging back to square one as an opposition coalition. Though having two years of experience inside the storied halls of Putrajaya may have benefitted the Alliance considerably, they must dare to look toward a younger generation for political inspiration instead of stepping backward into previous habits and mudslinging. 

Malaysia is a relatively young nation; the median population age is 28.9 years old, compared to the global median age of 30.9. In the next two years, many 18-year-olds will become eligible to vote and will be a focal point for the coalition – and any party – to lure into their base.

Unfortunately, the younger age group continues to be apathetic toward politics, cynical and beaten down by chronic issues of unemployment, mental health, and inequality – all while they face the biggest economic crisis the country has seen in decades. 

The atmosphere of belief and hope that set up the victory for the Alliance in 2018 may not be as forceful and potent in the next general elections. Leaders from both sides of the aisle will need to entice the nation with a clear vision, instead of pressing the same-old racial buttons that have been a staple of Malaysian politics. 

The future of the Alliance may no longer lie with Mahathir, now reduced to the role of a restless stereotypical grandfather occasionally ranting about politics on his social media accounts, but with dynamic young-bloods with their own new fight songs.