Pakistan’s Ambitious National Security Policy
The document says all the right things, but is silent on who will take responsibility for implementing it.
After months of countless bombastic headlines in the media, Pakistan has finally unveiled its first ever National Security Policy (NSP) 2022-2026.
The 62-page document is ambitious in many aspects, as it looks to offer strategic guidance on priority areas for policy action to transform Pakistan into a “self-respecting, sovereign, and inclusive state.” It provides a broad and interesting look at the general vision and direction of the country’s national security in the coming years.
Much of what has been included in the policy paper is already documented in one form or another. What makes one skeptical about this otherwise impressive document is Islamabad’s poor record on implementing similar policy visions in the past. As the NSP document itself says: Bridging the “gap between the ambition and reality of attaining comprehensive national security” in the shortest possible time period “will be an important benchmark of success of the Policy.”
The NSP places economic security at the core of comprehensive national security. It emphasizes a “geo-economic vision to supplement the focus on geo-strategy” and “recognizes that sustainable and inclusive economic growth” is necessary to expand Pakistan’s national resources. However, the document doesn’t claim to replace geopolitics with geoeconomics, but comprehends their complementing roles to achieve national interests. It says that a greater availability of resources is paramount to enhance Pakistan’s traditional security and that it remains essential for the implementation of “holistic policy actions” in other areas.
The NSP points out that Pakistan’s location offers the country some unique opportunities amidst global competition for power and calls for “a proactive, forward-looking approach.” It cautions that “a static or reactive outlook in a fluid global environment can have negative consequences and affect not only Pakistan’s external relations but also its internal security and societal harmony.”
The section on national cohesion calls for the strengthening of the “federal nature of Pakistan’s structure” by allowing space for democratic principles, and appeals for harmony among the country’s federating units. Moreover, the document rightly argues that equitable delivery of public services to strengthen the state-citizen contract remains vital.
The section on Pakistan’s economic future identifies socioeconomic inequalities and geographic disparities between developed and underdeveloped areas of the country, a critical issue that needs to be addressed. It also declares Pakistan’s energy needs as critical to the country’s national security and calls for prioritizing local energy resource development while securing dependable international access to energy sources.
The part on defense and territorial integrity tasks the military to defend Pakistan’s territorial integrity and at all costs. It calls for the deterrence of any foreign aggression through a full spectrum deterrence, including a credible minimum nuclear deterrence, without getting pulled into an arms race. The document focuses also on combating hybrid warfare, including confronting disinformation and influence operations, among other hybrid warfare tools.
As for internal security, the NSP underlines the importance of establishing the complete writ of the state. It stresses the need to pursue a “policy of zero-tolerance toward terrorism, extremism, and violent sub nationalisms” and asks policymakers to ensure a “safe environment for intellectual and economic activity.”
The document’s section on foreign policy calls for a focus on economic diplomacy in Pakistan’s foreign policy initiatives. It notes that “as trade and economic connectivity gain importance in a more connected world, Pakistan must ensure a greater focus on economic diplomacy.” The document also calls for projecting Pakistan’s image positivity to the world to “reverse any unfair negativity attached to its image due to sustained disinformation and in influence operations by adversaries.”
As one could predict, it classifies the Kashmir dispute “a vital national security interest” and calls for its just and peaceful resolution in accordance with the U.N. Security Council resolutions. It adds: “Pakistan remains steadfast in its moral, diplomatic, political, and legal support to the people of Kashmir until they achieve their right to self-determination.” It defines Pakistan’s role as a country that wishes to improve its relationship with India while noting that bilateral ties have been stymied due to “India’s hegemonic designs” and “pursuit of unilateral policy actions on outstanding issues.”
On China, it says that bilateral relationship is driven by shared interests and terms the China-Pakistan Economic Corridor (CPEC) a “project of national importance” that “enjoys national consensus.” Addressing Pakistan’s vision for its relationship with the United States, it states that Islamabad doesn’t subscribe to “camp politics” and terms the relationship critical for regional peace and stability. It notes that “communicating Pakistan’s concerns to policy makers in Washington while seeking to broaden our partnership beyond a narrow counter-terrorism focus will be a priority.”
The section on human security examines areas like population and migration and securities in health, climate, water, food, and gender and recommends a people-and environment-centric policy approach.
On paper, the NSP is a rosy document that says all the right things, but doesn’t offer much on who will take responsibility when it comes to its implementation. The document was essentially the work of a handful of people and its language was approved by a few individuals keeping in view their own institutional interests.
“The significance of NSP lies in its implementation in its true sense, which will be a real challenge, as Pakistan faces many challenges at the domestic, regional and international level,” Dr. Javeria Jahangir, head of the politics and international relations department at Lahore Leads University, told The Diplomat. She says that it may not be possible to implement unless “there is a clear and transparent system of accountability and proper distribution of power and authority between key political, civil and military institutions.”
Pakistan’s Constitution embodies much of the human-centric part of the NSP, but it has been trampled by policymakers for decades. Will authorities treat the NSP any differently?
Although the NSP describes CPEC as a project of national significance, Pakistani policymakers have not worked on developing consensus on the issue nationally to make the project inclusive and acceptable to everybody. The document stresses a “zero tolerance approach” toward extremist groups, but the Pakistani state has often appeased such groups in the past. It talks about an independent and citizen-focused judicial system, but Pakistan’s political and military institutions have very much appreciated courts and judges that work for the powerful first.
The policy talks about having a good working relationship with neighbors, but elected governments in Pakistan cannot be sure if they can pursue any such policy without inviting the security establishment’s ire. Interestingly the document talks about strengthening the federal system, but doesn’t say much about the sharp imbalance of power and resource distribution between civil and military institutions. In fact, governments in Pakistan have been toppled by the powerful military for making such attempts.
For many in Pakistan, the imbalance between the country’s civil and military institutions is the biggest challenge to the NSP. Jahangir says that Pakistan’s political leadership needs to learn the difference between reliance and collaboration when it comes to their relationship with the military. “This can help in bridging some imbalance between the two institutions,” she told The Diplomat.
Essentially, the Pakistani state will have to unlearn a lot of previous policy practices for the NSP to succeed. Whether the NSP is a mere policy paper or a serious attempt on the part of the state to envision a new direction for Pakistan will become evident in the coming years.
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Umair Jamal is a correspondent for The Diplomat, based in Lahore, Pakistan.