Islamist Parties Gaining Ground in Bangladesh Amid Post-Hasina Political Vacuum

With the fall of Sheikh Hasina’s 15-year autocratic regime, Bangladesh’s political landscape is shifting into a new dimension. As the once-dominant Awami League (AL), led by Hasina herself, and the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) struggle to maintain their grip, a political vacuum has set the stage for a realignment. Amid the weakening of traditional parties, the weakness of leftist factions and people’s frustration with the AL-BNP power cycle, Islamist groups are seizing the moment to step into the spotlight.

For example, Jamaat-e-Islami (JI), which had operated at a minimal level during the Hasina regime, especially in public university campuses through their student wing Bangladesh Islami Chhatrashibir, and by promoting Islamic preachers around the country, is now reasserting its presence. Now JI is expanding its influence from urban centers to rural areas and among conservative sections of the population.

Bangladesh’s political landscape is characterized by a wide array of parties, including 44 active political parties. Among these are 13 Islamic parties, which are becoming increasingly prominent. Key players in this movement include JI, Islami Andolan Bangladesh, and Bangladesh Khelafat Majlis. Hefazat-e-Islam, though not a political party, wields significant influence through its large support base and vocal leader, Mamunul Haque. The group gained popularity during the 2013 protests at the capital’s Shapla Chattar.

While the AL committed to secularism and modernization, promoting economic development and a secular state, the Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP) has traditionally appealed to nationalist sentiments, with a focus on social justice, which grants the party a more conservative agenda than that of the AL but less in line with the ideas of Islamists.

Islamist parties do promote a political model of governance based on Islamic doctrine and, therefore, focus on an inclusive policy toward Sharia within the political context. It is worth mentioning that around 90 percent of the population in Bangladesh practices Islam. Hindus comprise 8 percent of the population. Christians, Buddhists, and others account for the remainder.

Although the BNP is still considered the largest opposition party, it was substantially weakened during Hasina’s rule. Years of harassment and imprisonment by the AL government along with internal strife took a heavy toll on the party. The recent release of former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia and the potential return of her son Tarique Rahman could give the party some momentum. Yet it may not regain its erstwhile importance.

Moreover, the absence of a robust leftist presence has also inadvertently paved the way for radical parties to gain prominence. Historically, leftist parties like the Communist Party of Bangladesh (CPB) played crucial roles in historical movements. However, today, these parties are numerically small and significantly divided by internal dissensions. The AL’s crackdown is also one of the main reasons for their weakness.

A look at the past indicates that the advent of Islamist parties in a popular opposition has created a comfortable environment for extremism to operate, whether intentionally or unintentionally. In fact, during the period beginning with 1991-1996 under the BNP, Islamist parties like JI gained more influence. There was a greater inclusion of religious rhetoric into mainstream politics during this period.

This influence became more entrenched when the BNP came to power again in 2001 in coalition with Islamist parties. Data shows an increase in extremist activities during this period. Groups such as Harkat-ul-Jihad-al-Islami (HuJI) and Hizb Ut Tahrir (HTB) carried out bombings and targeted foreign diplomats, judges, and writers, including the perpetration of a spate of bombings across the country in 2005. The most alarming aspect is that the HTB is now actively protesting in various places demanding the lifting of the ban on the outfit. The organization was banned in 2009 due to its calls for the establishment of a caliphate, which is a threat to national security and democratic values.

Apart from political activities, Islamist parties have gained significant popularity through social welfare, disaster relief, and educational support work. Their grassroots humanitarian initiatives, especially during recent floods in Cumilla, Feni, and Noakhali, have built a strong community presence and trust, expanding their support beyond mere politics.

In contrast, since August 5, numerous accusations surfaced against BNP leaders for engaging in illicit activities especially extortion and attacks on AL leaders, leading to public disillusionment. Although the BNP has suspended several implicated activists, the damage to their credibility poses a significant concern.

Despite gaining popularity among people day by day, Islamist parties are now aiming for coalition-building — a new development, as traditionally, they had differing theological bases.

Mia Golam Parwar, secretary of JI, recently told BBC Bangla, “We hope that all the Islamic parties will do the election in a coalition. A desire for unity is clearly noticeable among the parties, which we never saw in the past.”

At a rally in Dhaka on August 31, Islami Andolan Bangladesh’s Senior Naib-e-Ameer Mufti Syed Muhammad Faizul Karim hinted at a potential alliance between Islami Andolon Bangladesh and JI. He said that if there is consensus, the two parties could unite.

He remarked, “Today, I say to Jamaat: a golden opportunity is approaching. The election will not take place tomorrow. This is a remarkable chance to fight the election together.”

This coalition, comprising some parties that were earlier fragmented, may just prove to be a game-changer in the case of Bangladesh. If the coalition wins, many believe there will be an increase in Islamist representation and possibly a policy change in the growing inclination toward conservative and religiously aligned governance.

However, the process of coalition building will face various obstacles on different theological beliefs. For example, the bone of contention for the alliance would be differing views regarding shrines, as one group has a pro-veneration stance toward these places of worship whereas another group is against this type of veneration. Ideological differences promote vandalism activities, which make efforts toward attaining a consolidated posture difficult. Already many shrines have been vandalized in various places around the country.

Moreover, historical and political baggage, like the controversial past of JI during the Liberation War in 1971, add difficulties to forging a cohesive coalition. Many parties don’t like JI for their involvement with Pakistan during the war and its different political agenda.

Moreover, while Islamic political parties have generally performed well in street protests, they haven’t done as well at the ballot box. In the 1991 national election, JI won only 18 seats among 300 in the coalition of the BNP. In the 2001 elections, JI secured only 17 seats. Yet, this was followed by a series of setbacks. By the 2008 elections, JI could only manage to obtain two seats through its four-party alliance with the BNP.

So, the current political vacuum in Bangladesh presents both opportunities and challenges for Islamist parties and the people of the country. While their rise is facilitated by the weakening of mainstream parties and growing public discontent with the AL and the BNP alternating in power, the path ahead is fraught with obstacles, including internal theological differences and historical baggage. The success of Islamist parties in forming a cohesive coalition and gaining electoral success will significantly shape Bangladesh’s future political landscape. As the country navigates this transitional period, the balance between radicalism and moderation will be crucial in determining the stability and direction of Bangladesh’s democracy.